Finding the right balance

By | June 30, 2015
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Originally published: The MJ

The news that Carolyn Downs is heading to Brent LBC set me wondering what my pitch would be if I were applying to be the next chief executive at the Local Government Association (LGA). Any applicant  will need to consider the fact that unless something very dramatic and unforeseen were to occur, there will be a majority Conservative Government for the next five years.

This is likely to mean: further sustained cuts for local authorities and their public sector partners; more decentralisation and devolution to city regions annd possibly more widely, more academies and free-schools and other changes that will impact hugely on local government. The LGA is currently led by the Conservatives but this could (and indeed is likely to) change over the next five years. Potential candidates will need to take this into account .

Applicants will also need to be mindful of the current state and mood across local government and its ambitions. In the case of the latter, there will be a need to nurture and encourage positive and bold responses to the cuts and the many other challenges. It should also been seen and heard as leading the case against further cuts (as the recent leaders letter did) – highlighting the social, economic, financial  and environmental impact of the cuts already made and the risks inherent in further significant cuts. And it should be doing so in ways that will resonate with the public, media and national politicians.

I make  these points above because over the last five years, all too often and for whatever the reasons, the LGA seems to have failed to speak with the authority and volume that many in local government might have expected. Certainly, back in 2010, the LGA seemed to assume that if it worked ‘with’ the Government, greater devolution and powers for local government with less central interference and direction would help mitigate the cuts to government grant . It is undoubtedly important that local government seeks to develop meaningful and successful partnerships with central government – across the departments and the Treasury in particular.

However, it must never seek such partnerships at any price. And it must be ready to say ‘no’ to implementing or collaborating with the implementation of those government policies and cuts that cross the sector’s values and practical ‘red-lines’. The coalition government started a programme of decentralisation and devolution to local government and to city regions. The Conservative Government will continue this with extra vim. The LGA can claim that it has contributed to this but now needs to ensure that future decentralisation is equitable across the country – is based on local government and local democracy and does not provide a cover for central government to dramatically cut its financial support for core services. In my experience, many local authorities feel that they have taken disproportionate cuts and that these have not been compensated for by greater devolution. The LGA should say this more often.

In education, the Government has continuously reduced and belittled the role of local authorities and yet the LGA seemingly has not argued in forceful terms the case for a new strategic leadership role for local government – supporting, commissioning and holding academies and other self-managing maintained schools to account. This near silence or perhaps very subdued voice which few heard has been perplexing.

The LGA has to have a clear view on NHS and social care integration and could argue for elected local government to drive this integration though an overarching strategic commissioning role. In my opinion, the LGA has to be the outspoken and action-orientated national body for local government, the champion of localism and local democracy and it should argue vigorously for a local government-led ‘Total Place’ programme across England. In making its voice heard, the LGA clearly requires evidence and reasoned arguments, but just occasionally, it also needs passion and principled-based interventions and actions.

And while the LGA has to retain and offer value for money to its members, it cannot address the whole of its agenda on its own. It has to form real, genuine and effective alliances with other public sector bodies and the national sector leads for the voluntary and community sector, social enterprise and business. Potential candidates will wish to have a well-informed understanding of what the LGA’s political leaders want from the new CEO, and how they see the LGA itself evolving and functioning.

So, given the context I have outlined, if I were applying for this very important leadership role, there are six key questions that I would wish to pose and discuss with the LGA’s political leaders and which I feel should be addressed openly and honestly in the recruitment briefing materials:

1)–In championing and representing the interests of local government with central government and Parliament, just how assertive and forthright does the LGA wish to be? My personal inclination would be to be robust and strident, while also striking a careful balance between appearing to be collaborators versus being sloganising oppositionists.

2)–Does the LGA wish to be principally the voice and representative body for local government and how much does it wish to be a sector ‘regulator’, sector improvement body and policy incubator?

3)–Does it recognise the significant potential conflicts between these roles and how politically does it wish to avoid and/or manage these, especially given the LGA’s financial base? Given the spectrum of performance and competence of local government (both politically and managerially), even if it chooses a narrower ‘voice and representative’ role, is the LGA ready to challenge, criticise and even take action where the situation is so dire as, for example, it was in Rotherham? In my view, local government is not well served and the public is certainly not well served if the LGA fails to speak out and/or is perceived to be defending unacceptable behaviour and performance.

4)–How important is cross-party consensus to the LGA political leaders? Where this is possible, it clearly hugely strengthens the LGA’s voice and representative impact.

5)–Given the Government’s city and city region agenda and its direct relationship with city leaders, how does the LGA wish to position itself and work supportively with those city regions seeking greater devolved powers? My opinion is that the LGA has to offer this support and be involved, while also being sensitive to local circumstances and the potential need to work with other organisations on such agendas.

6)–What is the public role for the chief executive officer and what should be undertaken by the political leadership? This relationship (and how it works in practice) will be critical to how effective the new appointee is, how effective the LGA is and ultimately, the value that member authorities gain.

This is a great job for the right person – but I recognise that it is first and foremost a policy and lobbying role and so it should not be regarded as a national version of a local authority chief executive. It requires a candidate committed to local government, localism and local democracy. It requires a person able to access and influence government and others, including local government itself, and to speak up for the latter. It is huge opportunity. Lest any cynical reader wonder, this is most assuredly not a flier for my own candidacy. Rather, it is a ‘call to arms’. Given the implications of the results of the General Election, local government and those who rely on its services and place leadership require a ‘very’ special appointment to be made. I don’t envy the appointments panel.

The news that Carolyn Downs is heading to Brent LBC set me wondering what my pitch would be if I were applying to be the next chief executive at the Local Government Association (LGA). Any applicant  will need to consider the fact that unless something very dramatic and unforeseen were to occur, there will be a majority Conservative Government for the next five years. This is likely to mean: further sustained cuts for local authorities and their public sector partners; more decentralisation and devolution to city regions annd possibly more widely, more academies and free-schools and other changes that will impact hugely on local government. The LGA is currently led by the Conservatives but this could (and indeed is likely to) change over the next five years. Potential candidates will need to take this into account . Applicants will also need to be mindful of the current state and mood across local government and its ambitions. In the case of the latter, there will be a need to nurture and encourage positive and bold responses to the cuts and the many other challenges. It should also been seen and heard as leading the case against further cuts (as the recent leaders letter did) – highlighting the social, economic, financial  and environmental impact of the cuts already made and the risks inherent in further significant cuts. And it should be doing so in ways that will resonate with the public, media and national politicians. I make  these points above because over the last five years, all too often and for whatever the reasons, the LGA seems to have failed to speak with the authority and volume that many in local government might have expected. Certainly, back in 2010, the LGA seemed to assume that if it worked ‘with’ the Government, greater devolution and powers for local government with less central interference and direction would help mitigate the cuts to government grant . It is undoubtedly important that local government seeks to develop meaningful and successful partnerships with central government – across the departments and the Treasury in particular. However, it must never seek such partnerships at any price. And it must be ready to say ‘no’ to implementing or collaborating with the implementation of those government policies and cuts that cross the sector’s values and practical ‘red-lines’. The coalition government started a programme of decentralisation and devolution to local government and to city regions. The Conservative Government will continue this with extra vim. The LGA can claim that it has contributed to this but now needs to ensure that future decentralisation is equitable across the country – is based on local government and local democracy and does not provide a cover for central government to dramatically cut its financial support for core services. In my experience, many local authorities feel that they have taken disproportionate cuts and that these have not been compensated for by greater devolution. The LGA should say this more often.

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